The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who has died at age 84, was regarded as one of the most significant occupants of that position in the nation's history. Although numerous VPs had to settle for marginal or symbolic positions, Cheney held enormous sway during the term of George W Bush, so much so that he was commonly described as the "actual president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and stated the dynamic was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was courteous, always referring to him in official appearances as the President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their association as a partnership because it indicated that they were on equal footing. Despite such protestations, Cheney found the relaxed president accommodating on a broad range of administrative determinations.
A Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a contingent of neo-cons that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush traveled to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took command, commanding the downing of any non-communicating airplanes approaching the government building.
Cheney claimed the strikes changed him, making him become focused on retribution. In conjunction with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a takeover of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the military action of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Disputed Policies
He expressed no regrets about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, nor about the enhanced interrogation of suspects captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on misleading reports circulated by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It represented the correct action to do at that time. I was convinced back then and I maintain that stance presently."
But during that period, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the government's own delegates to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the position. "I observed, at the very least," he wrote later "true dereliction, negligence, and unaccountability: in the worst case, lying, ineptitude, and corruption."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for such action. He had drafted a memorandum outlining circumstances in which national priorities might be threatened (encompassing "availability of essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be prepared to operate alone when collective action prove impossible," specifically mentioning armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the Oval Office somewhat determined on carrying out what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of reducing America's involvement in the regional tensions and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a conspiracy to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the most prominent accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his father's visage that each person had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most vociferous behind invading Iraq, consistently citing agency briefings that were whether weak or entirely deceptive. He endorsed what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "intensive questioning", the employment of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that concluded that no valuable data had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the report as "full of crap". He stated to Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and create programmes to apprehend the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That is precisely what they did and they earn a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney reveled in nicknames given to him by critics such as Darth Vader and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 volume about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Do I represent the evil genius in the shadows that operates invisibly come out of his lair? This represents a effective way to work, truthfully."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his commercial relationships pursued him during his tenure as VP. While he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but strong connections in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum corporations, in 1995 as leader and CEO.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's running mate for the executive branch. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US contracts totaling billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his tenure at the company increased from his quarter-million dollars during his time as military head to over four million. When he resigned in 2000 he had a severance arrangement valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
